Red Action No. 74: Spring 1997.
"He who forgets history is destined to repeat it"
is a well-known truism that has particular resonance today with regard to the
position of the Republican Movement in relation to the Labour Party. It seems
that ever since this phase of the war broke out again back in 1969 the Labour
Party, or sections of it, have been saying to those at the cutting edge of struggle
in Ireland "Don't worry, as soon as we get power all will be resolved".
All said with a nod and a wink. We have been hearing this for the past 27 years,
indeed since the formation of the Labour Party in 1906, but never so loudly
as since the cessation announcement of August 1994.
What do these promises mean? What will be sorted out? When will
it be sorted out? To whose benefit? These are the pertinent questions but none
are as pertinent as those suggested by the quote above. That is, what does history
teach us of the attitude of the British Labour Movement and Party to the Irish
people?
The contention of this article is that history tells us not only
to expect little help but to anticipate that a Labour administration will continue
to invigorate Brit intransigence and animosity towards the northern nationalist
Irish in general and the Republican Movement in particular.
The strategy of the Labour Party has been to debase the Irish
by continually operating the same con-trick. This essentially, and crudely states,
"swing into line now, and in the future all things are possible..."
All the time the demand has been that the Irish, whether Republicans or not,
do their political work, lobbying and propaganda from within the Labour Movement.
That the Labour Movement does not exist now, if it ever did, as anything more
than a disparate group of organisations squabbling over the crumbs is of no
matter. The notion of a Labour Movement is used as a tool to emasculate working
class struggle, not invigorate it.
Initiatives set up by the Republican or/and the broader Irish
community are brazenly entered by elements from this Labour Movement who apply
a well tried and tested strategy of watering down any radical demands, driving
a wedge between activists and the organisation, often taking over leadership
and policy making roles. When this last is done those who were initially enthusiastic
may as well stay at home - there is nothing more for them. The Troops Out Movement
is a case in hand, set up with a clear purpose, one demand and enjoying large
support as well as reflecting the view of a clear majority of the British public.
So what's happened to it? It allegedly still exists, although its trademark
Bloody Sunday march which became progressively smaller each year, due to a lack
of commitment to building for it either in the Irish community or the class,
allied to a confusion over its aims, has disappeared in all but name. Without
that as a focus, it has no remit for other activities except to attend obscure
pickets known to no-one but itself.
Never mind, its leadership has, as always, oriented to the Labour
Movement, which can be evidenced by the support of trades union branches, trades
councils and the normal rag-bag of `lefty' Labour Party members and MP's. Stunning.
That TOM is of no significance and can no longer produce its magazine regularly
is never questioned by its leadership. Whether consciously or not, it has been
smothered.
More recently, Saoirse committees were launched to press for the
transfer/release of Republican POW's following the IRA cessation of hostilities.
A sentiment that had immediate resonance with many in the Irish community and
beyond, attracting large numbers of people not seen in recent years at political
meetings. With some panache these `new' activists managed to gain a great deal
of credibility and confidence by highlighting the issue. No sooner had that
been noticed as effective then the hacks moved in with a demand to orientate
to Labour, and to get them on board. They were to be the target of the recruitment
and propaganda. Forget the working class Irish of Kilburn and Cricklewood and
other poor areas and concentrate on the people who matter in Hampstead, Primrose
Hill and Walworth Road.
The `orienteers' moved in, took over the leadership, made policy
and killed the enthusiasm of the ordinary member. The high-profile street level
activities gaining media attention were replaced by the talking heads sitting
at press conferences at the House of Commons. Needless to say these conferences
were not reported by the media but lauded as a success because they got a Shinner
into the Palace of Westminster to address a handful of press hacks. Inevitably,
Saoirse closed down in an orgy of recriminations and lies perpetrated by its
new leaders, alienating the activist majority. Now Fuascailt has emerged to
replace it, (possibly having the lowest political profile of any pressure group
still orientating to the Labour Movement) but no Labour Movement activists doing
anything practical.
To move back in time a little to the 1980 and 1981 Hunger Strikes.
These were obviously very emotional times and again had enormous potential to
attract high numbers of people to Irish solidarity work. The Labour Movement
again covered itself in glory. Whilst the situation in the H·Blocks was
approaching crisis, the TUC and Labour Party ,were campaigning for more employment
in England. They organised a huge national march and rally in London. The National
H-Block/Armagh Committee was not allowed to participate on this with a banner.
Nevertheless, a small group stood with banners and placards on Marble Arch as
the march went past Hyde Park. The TUC stewards pointed them out to the police
and demanded that they be removed. The police were only too happy to do this
and the stewards contained any support for them within the march itself. Vilifying
them to the very people it supposedly demands they go to for support.
That, however, wasn't the lowest point reached by organised
Labour. Whilst Bobby Sands lay on his death bed, Don Concannon (Then Labour
Party Northern Ireland spokesman) went to visit him to let him know that he
and his party supported the Thatcher administration in its denial of political
status and its intention to let the Republican prisoners die. As if that wasn't
enough, a subsequent march was organised through Concannon's Mansfield constituency.
He informed the press that `the IRA were to march through his constituency'
and appealed for Orange elements to travel from Liverpool and Scotland to oppose
the march. Are we really to be told to support Labour? If that was the reaction
of both the Labour Party and the Labour Movement at a highly emotive time when
it could be expected to throw aside the mantle of disguise that it purported
hid its real agenda on Ireland, what can we expect now?
There is a mistaken belief within elements of the Republican Movement
that the Labour Patty will adopt a progressive stance on Ireland. This it will
not do. No more than it will on any of its own internal or domestic issues.
Blair and newish Labour is no different to previous manifestations it is a non-democratic
party operating happily within the bounds of a non-democratic state. All policy
of the major (and most of the minor) parties is designed to maintain and build
support for its position in the `50% plus 1' horse race that masquerades as
democracy in Britain. This is no model for democrats, this is not what we want
for Ireland, we should not give it the credibility by dealing with it. The Republican
Movement calls for a united socialist 32 county Ireland, free of its former
colonial masters of any and all parties. We should not allow colonialists to
use us to bolster their own position.
The war in Ireland is the longest lasting struggle against British
imperialism, not only in the 20th century in the past 800 years.
The Labour Party has been conspicuous by its absence from the side of the oppressed
since its inception. The cry that the war inhibits explicit support because
of the taint of terrorism holds no water. Since the beginning of the century
Britain's position in Ireland has been indefensible. But Labour defended it
either overtly or by its silence.
In 1948 the man regarded as the great Labour Movement icon of
socialism, Labour Prime Minister Clement Atlee rightly denounced the Soviet
Union's new imperialism. Not a word from him on the imperial presence in Ireland,
nor of the gerrymandered constituencies, nor of the franchises which gave unionists
multiple votes whilst nationalists didn't even qualify for even the semblance
of democracy. Not a word of the inequity of housing, education, employment,
health provision in the North of Ireland whereby Nationalists and Republicans
were condemned to live in squalor and deprivation, subject to the routine sectarian
pogroms instigated by the unionist hegemony. Atlee chose to ignore imperialism
close to home despite a more than adequate parliamentary majority of 113. The
Irish didn't even qualify for equality, let alone freedom.
Not only are they guilty by omission or by merely biding their
time. It is Labour administrations which have distinguished themselves by over-seeing
some of the most repressive and brutal events since 1969. Their attitude was
not peculiar to Atlee amongst Labour leaders. It was Wilson, who sent the troops
in in 1969.
Labour was still in power later in a 1974 when a state of
emergency was declared. They oversaw the holding of political prisoners in Long
Kesh in conditions which led to the camp being burned down by internees.
In September 1976 the European Commission on Human Rights found Britain guilty of torture following the mass interment of 1971. Not even this could rock Labour's desire to be seen as responsible caretakers of Britain's imperial and colonial interests.
In September 1976 the European Commission on Human Rights found Britain guilty of torture following the mass interment of 1971. Not even this could rock Labour's desire to be seen as responsible caretakers of Britain's imperial and colonial interests.
The same government ended political status with a view to criminalising
the struggle. A change of Prime Minister to `Sunny Jim' Callaghan in April 1976
made no difference to policy. Just 5 months later on 15 September 1976 Kieran
Nugent refused to wear the prison uniform. The policy of coercing the prisoners
led swiftly to routine vicious beatings by the screws, which led to the no-wash
protest and ultimately, to the 1981 Hunger Strike.
As the Callaghan administration staggered to its conclusion it became steadily more repressive in Ireland. It abandoned any pretence of pandering to progressive forces either at home or abroad. Northern Ireland Secretary Roy Mason was directly responsible for the SAS `Shoot to Kill' policy which resulted in the deaths of 11 people between 1977 and 1978.
As the Callaghan administration staggered to its conclusion it became steadily more repressive in Ireland. It abandoned any pretence of pandering to progressive forces either at home or abroad. Northern Ireland Secretary Roy Mason was directly responsible for the SAS `Shoot to Kill' policy which resulted in the deaths of 11 people between 1977 and 1978.
Winter 1978 saw a desperate attempt to cling to power. Callaghan
cobbled together a deal with the Unionists in which he created an additional
3 `Ulster' seats in exchange for support. It was no harm when they lost power
in June 1979.
In the seventeen years of opposition the Labour Party has succeeded
in redefining the meaning of parliamentary opposition. The Labour Movement supported
all aspects of Tory policy from its refusal to support the Hunger Strikers 5
demands to its shirt-tailing Thatcher's refusal to talk to Sinn Fein. In 1988
the Tory government sponsored the SAS execution of Mairead Farrell, Sean Savage
and Danny McCann in Gibraltar. Despite world-wide shock at this cynical abuse
of law and order, the Labour opposition congratulated the government on the
operation.
And so it continued through the leadership of Kinnock, Smith and
now Blair. No perceptible difference between Conservative and Labour policy
on Ireland. Except that at least Major authorised government contact with the
Republican Movement leading to the 1994 cessation. This engendered a spirit
of optimism that at last the war could be ended.
Campaigners canvassed the Labour Shadow NI Secretary, Mo Mowlem
for her views. In a letter to Navan, County Meath Saoirse she replied; "..it
is with regard to the suffering of the victims and their families and to rule
of law that Labour does not support the release of terrorist prisoners".
In the same letter she goes on to say, "Labour has no plans in government
to close any of the Special Secure Units". These sentiments, expressed
in the middle of the cease-fire, should not inspire hope or confidence in any
future Labour administration. The difficulty with writing about the failures
of Labour with relation to Ireland is not the paucity of information but rather
sifting through the mountain of Labour duplicity with- regard to the war in
Ireland.
Recently Mo Mowlem has been into Long Kesh to visit Loyalist
prisoners. She congratulated them on their restraint in not advocating a
return to random killings of working class nationalists. She also sought their
advice on what the British and Irish governments should do in furtherance of
their policies! She duly reported, without criticism, the Loyalist demand
that there should be a crackdown on Sinn Fein and the Republican Movement on
both sides of the border. The nature of the exchange exposed the quintessential
relationship between Labour and Unionism-and- Labour and Republicanism.
Only a few weeks previously (15 October) all sections of the Labour
Party had denounced and condemned Jeremy Corbyn and Tony Benn for accommodating
Adams at the House of Commons. Remember that Adams is an ex-MP and has never
been convicted of any paramilitary connections. Not one person was embarrassed
or publicly recognised their duplicity over creating a furore and moral panic
over meeting a representative of the Republican Movement and the widespread
approval and congratulation when meeting sectarian fascist murderers who included
Johnny Adair and Michael Stone.
The suggestion, as made by labour apologists, that Mowlem is merely
`minding the job' whilst in opposition and that a more suitable person will
take over after the election is patently nonsense. There is no-one more suitable.
Kevin McNamara is often cited as the calibre required. It was McNamara who said
in Parliament (7 March 1983) with regard to the Birmingham 6, "ordinary
decent coppers using ordinary decent methods apprehended those responsible for
the Birmingham outrages".
It is apparent that even under the most superficial scrutiny the
Labour Party is not one to which either the Irish community and/or supporters
of Irish Republicanism can give support. The promises given in the past have
proven false and so will promises given now.